‘Serbia’s anti-Muslim narrative persists despite minority rights protections’

BALIKESIR, Turkiye (MNTV) – Despite Serbia’s legal framework protecting minority rights, Bosniaks and Albanians continue to face systemic discrimination, underrepresentation, and social prejudice, according to Professor Admir Mulaosmanovic of Balikesir University.

His latest analysis explores Serbia’s complex relationship with its Muslim minorities, highlighting historical and contemporary challenges that shape their status in Serbian society.

Mulaosmanovic argues that Serbia has long embedded an anti-Muslim ideological narrative, rooted in its 19th-century independence from the Ottoman Empire, during which cultural and political institutions underwent de-Islamization. This historical precedent carried into the 20th century, fueling ethnic and religious tensions between Orthodox Serbs and Muslim minorities, particularly Bosniaks and Albanians.

According to Serbia’s 2022 census, Bosniaks comprise 2.31% of the population, while Albanians account for 0.93%, collectively making up over 3% of the population. However, the total Muslim population, including other ethnic groups, reaches 4.26%, making Islam the second-largest religion in Serbia.

Despite constitutional protections and international commitments, reports indicate that national minorities, particularly Muslims, struggle with underrepresentation in public administration and governance.

The European Council’s 2019 report noted significant gaps in data on minority participation but highlighted the exclusion of Albanians and Bosniaks from government positions. Furthermore, the Roma community remains almost entirely absent from political representation.

“While Bosniak political leaders are active, their influence is confined to identity issues in Sandjak and does not extend to shaping national policies in Belgrade,” Mulaosmanovic stated. He noted that Serbia’s nationalist politics continue to marginalize Muslim communities, reinforcing historical prejudices and societal tensions.

The legal framework governing minority rights has seen changes, but not all have been beneficial. The 2009 Law on National Councils of National Minorities initially granted these councils authority over cultural and educational institutions, but amendments later restricted their powers.

The Serbian government now has the right to override decisions made by these councils, with no judicial recourse available.

Discrimination against Muslims extends beyond governance into education, social life, and media representation. While national minorities can access education in their native languages, Bosniaks and Albanians face significant challenges.

Surveys determine whether minority-language education is provided, and even when available, these classes do not contribute to students’ final grades, treating their mother tongue as a secondary subject.

Attempts to introduce Bosnian language studies at the University of Novi Pazar have been met with resistance from nationalist factions, with some Serbian institutions outright denying the existence of the Bosnian language.

The Serbian Orthodox Church and nationalist politicians have actively opposed efforts to strengthen Muslim cultural and educational institutions.

Religious discrimination has also manifested in attacks on Islamic sites and the state’s interference in religious leadership. Since 2007, the Serbian government has supported divisions within the Bosniak Muslim community by backing alternative Islamic organizations, undermining religious unity.

This interference violates Serbia’s Law on Churches and Religious Communities, yet continues with state backing, Mulaosmanovic noted.

Media bias

Media bias further exacerbates the problem, with pro-government outlets frequently portraying Muslims in a negative light. “While President Aleksandar Vučić speaks diplomatically about Muslims, his government allies and state-controlled media outlets engage in open hostility,” Mulaosmanovic said.

He pointed out that nationalist rhetoric often frames Muslims as security threats, reinforcing long-standing prejudices.

Despite these challenges, there have been some positive developments, including the Serbian Parliament’s 2018 decision to allow minority deputies to speak in their native languages. However, Mulaosmanovic argues that such measures do not address the systemic discrimination deeply embedded in Serbia’s political and social structures.

Looking ahead, Mulaosmanovic questions whether the shifting geopolitical landscape could influence Serbia’s treatment of its Muslim minorities. While Serbia continues to foster economic ties with Gulf nations, its domestic policies reflect entrenched anti-Muslim sentiment.

Whether global political realignments will prompt change remains uncertain.

Mulaosmanovic concludes that while Serbia’s legal framework aligns with European norms on minority rights, its enforcement remains selective, leaving Bosniaks, Albanians, and other Muslims facing ongoing discrimination and cultural suppression.